60 Votes
Quick background: Republicans will filibuster any healthcare bill that reaches the floor of the Senate, and it takes 60 votes to break a filibuster. If a healthcare bill includes a public option provision, it's vanishingly unlikely that we can find those 60 votes. But budget reconciliation bills can't be filibustered, so an alternative is to include the public option but then introduce the bill via the reconciliation process, where it needs only 50 votes to pass.
So then: A couple of days ago I asked what would happen if Democrats did this. The reconciliation process can only be used to pass provisions with direct budget impact, so the question is: which provisions would be deemed to have no budget impact and therefore get tossed out? Stan Collender is a serious budget wonk of many years' standing, but it turns out that even he really doesn't have any idea:
The question isn't at all clear cut. Is a provision a line in a bill, a phrase in a line, a whole section of legislation, etc.? Even if a section of a bill doesn't affect outlays or revenues and, therefore, seems to qualify under #1 to be excluded, is it integral to other parts of the legislation that do change outlays or revenues and, therefore, should be allowed to stay.
As I said, this is complicated and will be extremely controversial. There are budget experts on both sides of the aisle and this is more of a judgment call than the application of a hard and fast rule.
So to Kevin Drum...if you think you have questions now, just wait.
I don't know if Harry Reid can find 60 votes to break a filibuster of a bill that contains a public option provision. But if he can't — something that seems pretty likely — and he has to try the reconciliation route, we're in terra incognita. And once we get to that point, the shape of the bill won't be a matter of negotiating skill, or liberal spine, or presidential leadership, or backroom deal cutting. It will be a matter of the Senate parliamentarian tossing out provisions randomly based on his good faith understanding of the rules.
Call me gutless, call me chicken, call me whatever. But that's a process that won't turn out well. It's just not a realistic option to take a big, complex piece of legislation, toss out individual provisions here and there, and expect to have anything other than a complete hash of a bill that will end up so unworkable it can't pass at all. Like it or not (and I don't!), we need 60 votes to get healthcare through the Senate. The question is how best to do that.
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Comments
Last I heard, no Dem senator
Last I heard, no Dem senator had said on record that he or she would filibuster a Democratic plan. Until I hear that, we do not need 60 votes.
No, you need 60 votes to end
No, you need 60 votes to end the filibuster, not to start it. So the Dems need 60 votes.
But it's possible that some Blue Dogs might vote to end the filibuster but vote no or abstain on a healthcare bill, allowing it to pass with a simple majority.
Basically, it's up to Ben Nelson.
Fbuster vs. bill
A Dem can vote against the bill, but if Reid lets anyone vote to filibuster, he should quit.
http://www.washingtonmonthly.com/archives/individual/2009_08/019528.php
couple of points
Benen is essentially arguing with himself at this point. But aside from that, you seem to be under the mistaken impression that Harry Reid has some kind of juice with Blue Dogs. Every dreamer needs a dream & all that, but let's go into this with open eyes.
technically wrong
The blue dogs are a house caucus, not a senate caucus, so I don't see any reason why the senate majority leader's "juice" with them is at all relevant.
That said, it is true that conservative democrats have some ideological similarities with blue dogs, but they also have differences. So I'm uncertain if your comment is germane to the discussion or not.
I tend to think that reconciliation will only be an ineffective tactic if democrats are insufficiently creative. For example, Yglesias has suggested splitting the bill into two parts, one with the budget provisions and one with the non-budget provisions. The non-budget provisions are, incidentally, the more popular elements of health care reform.
What about the idea that
What about the idea that basically everything except the public option is passed in normal order and the public option is put through via reconciliation? If the public option can be argued to be a way of trimming the budget deficit (since it saves ~$150 billion over 10 years according to the CBO) then perhaps that's a workable route.
I hate to say it
If I understand the rules (and maybe I don't!), then the Democrats need every single senator to vote for cloture, including Ted Kennedy. That being the case, and I hate to say it, but shouldn't he resign? It's a tragedy that it's come to this, needless to say, but it seems like health care would have a better chance if he stepped down and let Deval Patrick appoint a senator who can be there for every vote.
Don't say it.
Kennedy will be wheeled in on a gurney for crucial votes. It would be inhuman to eliminate him from an issue that he worked so hard on for so long.
I'm not convinced Snowe
I'm not convinced Snowe would join a Republican filibuster on this issue. Collins might not either.
Meet the new boss?
Maybe what would could very credibly be called an abuse of the reconciliation rule, could lead to a reduction of the abuse of cloture votes. Doubtless this would engender other unpredictable problems, but it might not be all bad to put a stop to this explosion of filibustering.
It is worth noting that the
It is worth noting that the former Senate Parliamantarian was fired because the then-majority party did not like his rulings on what could or could not be included in reconciiliation legislation. The Parliamentarian is not partisan, and putting the present Parliamentarian, Alan S. Frumin, in such a no-win situtation where he must determine what is in or out is silly, and a disservice to the institution.
Like it or not reconciliation was not created to make policy. The fact that people tried to use it to do so is the entire reason the Byrd rule was created. Parliamentary sleight of hand is not the answer. The answer is a leader, who will negotiate a policy which will get the required support needed to make a law. Just like we've been doing in the United States since the cloture rule was first adopted in 1917. Doing anything else is anti-democratic and counterproductive to our own interests in the long run. And, by the way, the people here screamed bloody murder when the GOP threatened to do it through the "nuclear option" four years ago. If anyone is feeling consistent, that is.
I got two words for ya.
Unanimous Consent. If Dems try to use reconciliation to pass any part of the health care reform bill, I expect that Repubs will lock down the Senate. Hell, Tom Coburn or Jim DeMInt could do it all by themselves if they felt like it. Kevin is right - you gotta have 60 votes.
"...Like it or not (and I
"...Like it or not (and I don't!)..."
Ha, ha, ha!
Kent Conrad and Kevin Drum just crack me up.
They think their audience are fools, and they create cover stories accordingly.
Sixty, Kevin?
It's far from certain that the public option could win straight up. Even if all the Dems stick together, and even if a bill came out of committee that had the public option, an amendment might well strip it. Nate Silver is good on the nitty gritty.
Say there is 50 votes, however...
There's some talk about putting it back in during conference, and then all you'd need is a straight up vote to pass it, but I have a feeling it would be impossible to get to 60 without giving binding assurances.
Mark Schmitt's idea of simply treating the public option as an add-on, under reconciliation rules seems like the best bet. People have to get used to the idea that this won't be the last piece of health legislation ever passed. The meme that this kind of legislation is hard to amplify is simply not true... CHIP or Medicare being perfect examples.
My biggest concern about
My biggest concern about reconciliation is that it gives Republicans an opportunity to try to block the legislation in the courts. We could easily see the bill blocked pending years worth of appeal just to be overturned by the Roberts court because the constitution doesn't say healthcare is a right or whatever pseudo-legal conservative mumbo-jumbo is popular at the moment. Then we start the whole damn process over again, presumably with a more Repblican-friendly Congress.
Republicans will filibuster
Republicans will filibuster any healthcare bill that reaches the floor of the Senate, and it takes 60 votes to break a filibuster.
fine. make them filibuster. it's time to end the charade that everything in the Senate needs 60 votes *or else!!!*
make the assholes stand up there and talk.
It's not that easy.
If a Democratic Senator
If a Democratic Senator refuses to vote for cloture, shouldn't they be ejected from the Democratic Caucus? I mean fine, let them vote their true beliefs on substantive bills, but if they are going to block the party procedurally, who needs them?
60 votes
Do you really think that a Democrat would vote to fillbuster and not allow the bill to be granted an up-or-down vote? I would HOPE that the caucus could exert enough pressure on DINO-democrats to allow the bill to come to the Senate floor for a vote, then vote against it if they think that they could survive such a move. If a Democrat were to do such a thing, would the caucus have enough guts to properly punish the evil-doer? Strip his/her seniority, Committee memberships, etc...?
I would like someone to speculate with me what Democrat would do such a thing....Baucus maybe? He seems spiteful enough, given the pettiness he displayed when progressives ran some commercials in his state....
filibuster schmilibuster
Coudn't it happen that the Senate bill goes to conference committee without a public option but the House bill has one and the final bill coming out has it? Then the vote on that bill could be done on a 50+1 basis in the Senate. Yes? No?
Pls Ask True Specialists Wawro of Columbia, Schickler of Harvard
Kevin,
As you admit, your not an expert on Senate parlimentary rules and laws. Stan Calender is a fine economist with experience in this area, but it's not his main expertise.
Who would know this well?
Political Science Professor Gregory Wawro of Columbia and Government Professor Eric Schickler of Harvard, authors of the 2006 book, "Filibuster".
I suggest you call them; there's a good chance they'll return the calls of a journalist at a well known journal like yourself.
If I might mention something discussed at length in their book that you haven't considered, the so-called nuclear option, which would permanently eliminate the filibuster. It's very do-able if there are 50 commited senators. Here is a slightly modified version of a comment I left on this recently at Ezra Klein's blog:
In my ongoing campaign to better understand bill passing strategy, I'm currently reading the 2006 book, "Filibuster", by Political Science Professor Gregory Wawro of Columbia and Government Professor Eric Schickler of Harvard. It's a fantastic resource for information and explanation that's very important, yet hard to find.
A key question is if the Republicans truly threaten a filibuster, and if reconciliation is ruled against by the parliamentarian, in total, or for important parts of the bill, what can be done?
Suppose, there are not 60 votes for a GOOD bill. What about the nuclear option? which would have the added (I think probably great) benefit of potentially permanently destroying the filibuster.
You wrote recently in your post, "Can Democrats Have a 50-Vote Senate?" (at: http://voices.washingtonpost.com/ezra-klein/2009/08/can_democrats_have_a...):
"As a general rule, if there were a foolproof way around the 60-vote threshold, the senators of one party or the other would have thought of it...But in fact, Zasloff's strategy to overwhelm a filibuster of health-care reform would shut down the United States Senate, which is not a better outcome in any obvious way."
First, Wawro and Schlickler, in fact, argue that an attempt at the nuclear option [simply ignore or disregard the rule for unlimited debate, as it is more tradition than hard and fast law] is quite plausible sometime in the near future, due to changes in the country, in the parties, and in the Senate over time.
Second with regard to the opposing party closing down the Senate in retaliation, they write:
[The party that employed the nuclear option] would then have two choices: either accept the resulting legislative paralysis and hope to win the ensuing public relations war...or push the fight further by using the same revolutionary tactics to curtail or remove the remaining obstructive tools used by [the opposing party]. (page 272)
That last part is crucial; if a majority of Democrats united behind truly destroying non-majoritarian rule, they could disregard all of these obstructing tactics, whether by 40 vote minorities, or one vote minorities – these rules are more traditions than laws – and then we would have a majority rules Senate.
Why hasn't this happened before? The authors give many reasons. In the past these obstructive non-majoritarian tactics were much less of a problem because they were seldom used; there was much more of an honor, civility code that discouraged it. Past crisis involving obstruction were solved with new (soft, non-law) rules to limit obstruction, without fully eliminating it. And the authors list other reasons.
It's a great book. The authors will return your phone calls; I encourage you to pick their brains.
Track Record
"I wrecked the Chevy you gave me two years gao, and I wrecked the Ford you loaned me last year. You really need to buy me a Rolls-Royce, and then I will be just fine."
The government has done an abysmal job with health care in the Veteran's Administration, and also Medicare, which has become financially insolvent.
That is the track record the government has, as it proposes to manage health care for all the people.
You apparently aren't a veteran
because veterans sure love their medical system...so much so, that when Obama floated the idea of billing some of the VA care costs to vets' private insurers, the vet groups rose up in very loud opposition. They want all their care in and by, and fully paid for by, the VA system. Same with Medicare, whose problem is funding, not the quality of the care. If Republicans would quit demogoguing the funding issue, Medicare could be made solvent in a heart beat.
How about this . . . listen
How about this . . . listen to the majority of the Americans who don't like the health bills being proposed, toss it all out and start all over again, by doing this like allowing competition between insurance companies across state lines?
How about this, instead
Quit looking at polls which show wide variances in what the American people want (as recently as two weeks ago, two polls showed 60+% in favor of a public plan), highly variable responses depending on how loaded the pollster makes the questions asked, and pass what's needed: tough private insurance regulation and a public plan.
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