Roving Wiretaps
Via Atrios, here's Al Franken giving one of Obama's assistant attorney generals a hard time over the question of whether to extend a provision of the PATRIOT Act that's due to expire at the end of the year:
Franken, who opened by acknowledging that unlike most of his colleagues in the Senate, he’s not a lawyer, but according to his research “most Americans aren’t lawyers” either, said he’d also done research on the Patriot Act and in particular, the “roving wiretap” provision that allows the FBI to get a warrant to wiretap an unnamed target and his or her various and changing cell phones, computers and other communication devices.
Noting that he received a copy of the Constitution when he was sworn in as a senator, he proceeded to read it to [David] Kris, emphasizing this part: “no Warrants shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.”
“That’s pretty explicit language,” noted Franken, asking Kris how the “roving wiretap” provision of the Patriot Act can meet that requirement if it doesn’t require the government to name its target.
Great stuff. So liberals, who normally believe in a living constitution that changes with changing times etc. etc., are now hauling out black letter critiques of longstanding federal law. (Roving wiretaps have been legal for several decades. The PATRIOT Act merely extended them to national security cases.) At the same time, you can revel in, for example, Peter Thomson of the Federalist Society, blandly affirming that a Ninth Circuit Court (!) opinion was "based on solid legal ground" when it reasoned
that the particularity requirement of the “place” to be searched may be substituted with that of the “person” in a roving wiretap setting. Thus, a roving order authorizing a wiretap over all telephones used by a subject does particularly describe the “places” or telephones to be searched, albeit in an unconventional manner.
Italics mine. Not the sort of reasoning the Federalist Society usually approves of, but any port in a storm, I suppose.
Personally, I'm inclined to stick to basic principles on this. I really do believe in a constitution that adapts in obvious ways to changing times and technologies, and the framers pretty clearly didn't anticipate wiretaps of any sort, let alone wiretaps on mobile phones or worldwide packet networks. "Place" has one meaning when the state of the art in communication technology is paper and quill pen, which can exist only in specific, well-defined locations, but quite a different meaning when you're tracking electronic signals through a globally distributed network and the access point to that network is entirely arbitrary and can exist literally anywhere on the planet. Adapting to that reality doesn't strike me as constitutional overreach. (Conversely, warrantless wiretaps are fundamentally corrosive regardless of type, but that's not an issue in this case. Roving or not, these taps all require a judge's permission.)
There are some obvious safeguards that ought to be in place with roving taps, and I don't have any problem with tightening up the language if that needs to be done. But given the reality of how technology has evolved, my instinct is that roving taps are a reasonable and constitutional response. If I'm wrong, feel free to school me in comments.
UPDATE: It looks like I screwed up here. Franken's issue is apparently not with roving wiretaps per se, but with "John Doe" wiretaps aimed at individuals who are described but not specifically named. Sorry about that.
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One of the problems with naming the person they're tracking isn't that they'll be known: But because they may not really know the person's name. And apparently writing down the wrong name, and even if you describe the right person and follow the person intended as a target, can be argued to throw out the warrant in court.
So there definitely needs to be some provision for following someone they have clear suspicion of but aren't completely certain of their identity.
The current language, I think, does not do that.
After reading the original
After reading the original article, it seems to me hat Kevin is interpreting this as a disagreement about the description of the place, but Franken and Kris may have been arguing mainly about the description of the person. The article says,
Kris explained that the courts have held that the law’s requirements that the person be described, though not named, is sufficient to meet the demands of the Constitution. That did not appear to completely satisfy Franken’s concerns.
(I am not a lawyer either, fortunately).
mostly right
Kevin,
You're mostly right. But those warrants are issued in secret, by a secret court (one that sides with the government 100% of the time). Perhaps secret courts and secret warrants are fully constitutional, but they are nonetheless just plain wrong.
There is a second issue that troubles me with respect to wiretaps. That is that warrants for wiretaps need only name one of the parties being surveilled.
I completely agree, but I
I completely agree, but I think if you're going to allow a breadth of adaptation this wide you might as well just say anything goes.
If we want 'places' to mean whatever place your body happens to be in, I think we should have an Amendment that spells it out, otherwise the precedent for construing antique grammar and usages out of all proportion might end up with people thinking they had, say, some individual right to own a gun, or weaponized anthrax.
From the accounts I have
From the accounts I have seen, I think what is germane in this story (your issue notwithstanding) is that although Franken started by saying he wasn't a lawyer and asking a direct question about how the particulars fall within the purview of the Constitution's literal languange, the response he got was "this is surreal". Not an attempt to explain it. Certainly not an inclination to explain the administration's views. Just a very curt non-answer.
That seems arrogant. You may think that "times change" is an adequate explanation but that buries a lot of perhaps valid but not well-known (to the unschooled) reasoning.
Simply put, a serious question deserves a serious answer. There are no stupid questions as they say only stupid people who think arrogance is smart.
I think "it's surreal"
I think "it's surreal" should have been met with condemnation from Franken and the rest of the Senate.
This fucktard is an unelected son of a bitch who is upset he actually has to answer questions to someone who isn't as smart or educated or lawyerly as he is.
Exactly.
Exactly right. The issue isn't whether Franken's argument -- and, hey, it was really only a question -- is a valid one, it's whether it's somehow unreasonable to expect the DOJ, when it comes before Congress advocating some kind of expanded surveillance authority, to explain its view of how that comports with the Constitution. The "surreal" part is that, of course, most Senators don't ever even ask the question.
In many cases, the feds
In many cases, the feds might not have the real name of their target: they may only have an alias (Abu Omar) or nickname or screen name. The latter, in this age of the internets, becoming the most prevalent I'd guess.
As stated in the post, roving wiretaps have been used in non-national security cases for years, like drug cases, when they may only have the street name or alias of a drug lord using prepaid phones that don't require registration.
"There is a second issue that troubles me with respect to wiretaps. That is that warrants for wiretaps need only name one of the parties being surveilled."
How are the feds supposed to get the names of all the persons in contact with the target, especially for calls taking place in the future?
Explain further
Let's be clear: roaming warrants are a legal innovation that weren't mandated by technology. Until the advent of cell phones, it really wasn't any harder to post a letter from a random spot than to make a phone call.
Maybe founders never dreamed of opening someone's mail, or they never dreamed they'd need a warrant to do it.
Kevin: "I really do believe
Kevin: "I really do believe in a constitution that adapts in obvious ways to changing times and technologies, and the framers pretty clearly didn't anticipate wiretaps of any sort"
Who cares? The framers were bewigged 18th century slave owners. Can we please move past the notion that their intentions should be worshipped in the 21st century? At least the right wing is up front about their delusion that the constitution is "inspired".
Seems to be one of those
Seems to be one of those unsettled areas of law.
http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/data/constitution/amendment04/05.html#1
Following Katz, Congress enacted in 1968 a comprehensive statute authorizing federal officers and permitting state officers pursuant to state legislation complying with the federal law to seek warrants for electronic surveillance to investigate violations of prescribed classes of criminal legislation. 149 The Court has not yet had occasion to pass on the federal statute and to determine whether its procedures and authorizations comport with the standards sketched in Osborn, Berger, and Katz or whether those standards are somewhat more flexible than they appear to be on the faces of the opinions. 150
http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/data/constitution/amendment04/05.html#1
The question of the scope of the President's constitutional powers, if any, remains judicially unsettled. 156 Congress has acted, however, providing for a special court to hear requests for warrants for electronic surveillance in foreign intelligence situations, and permitting the President to authorize warrantless surveillance to acquire foreign intelligence information provided that the communications to be monitored are exclusively between or among foreign powers and there is no substantial likelihood any ''United States person'' will be overheard. 157
the terrorist have won
I am dismayed and disappointed by Kevin's position, and by the comments in this thread. You are all so afraid of terrorism that you'll agree that the government can legally listen to your conversations if they can, in secret, drum up an anonymous pretext ?
How difficult is it for them to drum up a pretext ?
How prone is that secret power to abuse, in the hands of corruptible officials?
What percentage of recent administrations have shown themselves to be too high-minded to abuse their power if they can do so in secret ?
It's not so much that I worship the Founders' original intent -- I'm motivated by the remembrance of the FBI files on Martin Luther King and the SNCC organizers, by the hundreds of thousands of names on the no-fly list, by the thought of this power in Karl Rove's hands, in Cheney's, in (may God avert) Sarah Palin's. In Rick Santorum's, in the hands of Sen. Inhofe or Rep. Steve King or Rep. Michelle Bachmann.
I'm with Franken. We need the austere restrictions in the plain language of the Bill of Rights, not because the Founders were perfectly prescient, but because the prevailing secret "security" surveillance regime in the hands of the unscrupulousis is an invitation to tyranny.
And I think that Karl Rove and his successors and imitators are a far greater threat to my nation and our freedoms than Al Queda.
1. What's all this fuss I
1. What's all this fuss I hear about roaming cervical caps?
2. What's all this fuss I hear about trollish blogger raps?
3. What's all this fuss I hear about exploding spinal taps?
An absurd argument.
For several decades now, the feds have obtained wiretap warrants for drug dealers using aliases. They're supposed to be aimed at a specific known individual and if they're not, they're denied.
What's so difficult about this?
Amendment
> Personally, I'm inclined to stick to basic principles on this. I really do
> believe in a constitution that adapts in obvious ways to changing
> times and technologies, and the framers pretty clearly didn't anticipate
> wiretaps of any sort, let alone wiretaps on mobile phones or worldwide
> packet networks. "Place" has one meaning when the state of the art in
> communication technology is paper and quill pen, which can exist only
> in specific, well-defined locations, but quite a different meaning when
> you're tracking electronic signals through a globally distributed network
So let's have a Constitutional Amendment that says so. And while we're at it, we can just add another Amendment saying that the President has the ability to ignore any law he desires, and a third saying that the Vice-President can order torture whenever he wants. Piece of cake it should be to get those passed, eh?
Cranky
Oh, there might be a little _dissent_ over those amendments? You don't say...
I think Franken is right
I think Franken is right here. The Constitution hasn't got that many words, so you have to assume that a word like 'particular' is not just there as meaningless emphasis. The 4th Amenedment says plainly that you have to produce a warrant to search a particular person or a particular place. This is plainly not compatible with a warrant that covers a non-particular person, or covers any means of communication where a particular person happens to be using. These are generic warrants, which are not particular.
This is not an "original intent" argument. A "living Constitution" does not mean that you can pretend a word means its opposite when convenient.
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