Safe Havens and COIN
Matt Yglesias takes a look at our current obsession with denying terrorists "safe havens" and wonders if it isn't pretty counterproductive:
It’s a sort of ugly turn of phrase, but I’ve tried referring to this as the “backwaterification” of American foreign policy. Instead of paying the most attention to the places that matter most — traditionally Europe, Japan, and the Gulf now joined by China, Brazil,
smaller industrialized Asian countries etc. — the logic of safe havens is for our focus to drift toward the places that matter least.
In a similar vein, Stephen Walt argues that our current obsession with counterterrorism is equally misplaced:
Those who argue for radical change invariably point to the various wars the United States has fought in recent years — notably Iraq and Afghanistan — and simply assert that we need to get ready to do a lot more of them.
Unfortunately, this line of argument ignores the fact that these wars are the result of past American mistakes. The first error was the failure to capture Bin Laden and his associates at the battle of Tora Bora, which allowed al Qaeda's leaders to escape into Pakistan and thus ensured that the United States would become enmeshed in Afghanistan....The second mistake was the foolish decision to invade Iraq in 2003, which led us into yet another costly insurgency.
....In short, the current obsession with counterinsurgency is the direct result of two fateful errors. We didn't get Bin Laden when we should have, and we invaded Iraq when we shouldn't....The obvious question is: Does the United States really want to base its military strategy on two enormous blunders?
I'm sympathetic to both of these points of view, but not entirely convinced. Our concern with safe havens really does seem to get used as a stand-in for serious argument a little too often, but I wouldn't get too enamored of the idea that safe havens don't matter. Whether it's in Hamburg or Helmand, harrassing the bad guys is plenty necessary. The difference is that in Hamburg the German state already has a police apparatus with plenty of authority in place, while in Helmand we don't. And the only way to get it is to have a presence there.
Likewise for Walt's argument. My big concern is that we'll allow military organization to drive our national security policy, rather than the other way around. In other words, if we build a big COIN capability, then we'll end up using it whether we should or not. But the lessons of Afghanistan and Iraq might very well be quite different: namely that we should do everything we can to avoid COIN conflicts in the first place. We're not very good at them and the return to national security from getting involved in them is generally either slight or negative.
But I'm not 100% convinced about either of these arguments. I don't much like the idea of a fixation with either safe havens or COIN driving national security policy, but it's hard to deny that safe havens really are a problem and that small conflicts against irregular troops really do seem likely to define our future more than big wars against other major powers. And if that's the case, then we need to deal with it.
This argument has been going on for years, and I'm only bringing it up here again as a conversation topic. So go ahead and school me.
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Comments
Actually, it isn't hard at all
It's actually very easy to deny that "safe havens" are a serious problem. Watch this: "safe havens" really aren't a serious problem. See, that was easy.
Furthermore, our ability to reduce or eliminate safe havens is extremely limited. It's essentially a sisyphean game of whack-a-mole, with very few moles (yet far too many innocents) getting whacked.
Actually, it isn't hard at all
It's actually very easy to deny that "safe havens" are a serious problem. Watch this: "safe havens" really aren't a serious problem. See, that was easy.
Furthermore, our ability to reduce or eliminate safe havens is extremely limited. It's essentially a sisyphean game of whack-a-mole, with very few moles (yet far too many innocents) getting whacked.
bomb, rinse, repeat...
In addition to what tsg says, the emphasis on eliminating safe havens gives short shrift to the fact that the 9/11 hijackers lived & trained in Western cities, completely unimpeded by law enforcement & intelligence services in either Germany or the US.
We already know that some will be committed to this kind of terrorism against us pretty much no matter what we do, but bombing & occupying these backwaters just invites more people to join their ranks. It's no less true just because Obama is in office instead of Bush.
I think Matt's absolutely
I think Matt's absolutely right. Also interested on what planet he lives that doesn't have airplanes, ships, ebola, the intarweb, loose nukes, suicide bombers, and rich players off scene funding all sorts of training and equipment.
Yes, I think letting training grounds flourish is a brilliant idea. How could this guy NOT have a Harvard degree?
Not all safehavens are
Not all safehavens are created equally. In regards to Islamic terrorism, Afghanistan is the worst safehaven on the planet when the Taliban is in power. Al-Qaeda does what it wants and has free access to training camps, materials and manpower. Al-Qaeda can export its terrorists and idelogy free from any interference from the state. Al-Qaeda also is geographically close to Pakistan, another area that provides Al-Qaeda with men and money.
From a counterterrorism standpoint, to look past Afghanistan and focus on what Yglesias suggests ("Europe, Japan, and the Gulf now joined by China, Brazil, smaller industrialized Asian countries etc.") is a fool's errand. Sunni/Wahabbi Islamic terrorism starts and ends with Al-Qaeda. And like it or not, while we haven't nabbed Bin Laden, we've kept Al-Qaeda from re-establishing itself through the U.S. military in Afghanistan. By pulling out the troops, or simply "re-focusing" our foreign policy elsewhere, you run the risk of allowing the Taliban and Al-Qaeda to return to the 9/10 system.
Keeping focus on Afghanistan doesn't mean your whole foreign policy efforts fall victim to "backwaterfication." In fact, most of the world, whether they admit it or not, understands why the U.S. must deal with Afghanistan. You don't hear a lot of countries publically calling for the U.S. to leave.
Al-Qaeda has had over eight years to find a suitable replacement safehaven. So far, they've not found a place as ideal as Afghanistan. Names like Somalia and Yemen have popped up, but not much has come of it, even in a lawless place like Somalia. To me, that means Walt's worry of playing safehaven whack-a-mole is pretty unfounded.
Al-Qaeda has to place to go right now; they are trapped in the FATA until they can return to Afghanistan or Pakistan goes belly-up and they can migrate east.
"The first error was the failure to capture Bin Laden and his associates at the battle of Tora Bora, which allowed al Qaeda's leaders to escape into Pakistan and thus ensured that the United States would become enmeshed in Afghanistan"
I disagree that this was an error. A failure? Yes. But an error implies that the U.S. had a reasonable chance to get him and failed. Open-source reporting is quite murky about Tora Bora and most "analysis" depends on Monday Morning Quarterbacking. We could do the same thing with Clinton and Bin Laden, but we won't go there.
Well, there's state
Well, there's state sponsored terror (Taliban (essentially), Sudan, Rwanda, Iran (at times), etc.) and there are lawless countries where a lot of crap goes under the radar (modern Afghanistan, tribal territories of Pakistan, Somalia, Iraq, a lot of Africa actually), and there are civil wars and insurgencies.
1) I'd talk about these things separately.
2) They are all bad. We can't solve everything. We have more tools than bombs.
3) Don't create them. In other words, don't elect idiots or Republicans.
Pretend for a minute that
Pretend for a minute that you are playing a game called "The Federal Budget": you are given $3 trillion dollars to spend anyway you'd like . . . well, except that $2 trillion is already spent for Social Security, Medicare, Interest and other mandatory items. That leaves you $1 trillion to spend on everything else, including the military.
By the time you got through your wish list of things (health care, education, etc.) what would you have left? And with the few dollars remaining would spending $200 billion dollars a year for Iraq and Afghanistan still make it onto your list?
Eventually common sense has to prevail. America can not continue to bankrupt itself fighting wars in Asia while unemployment is over ten percent and health care can only get passed by eliminating the rights of women.
Or . . . we can be truly stupid. Let's ask Michele Bachmann!
Kevin: Are you really
Kevin: Are you really arguing for a US presence in all these places?
If so, then this is the worst post you've ever written. And I would know since I think I've read every one since CalPundit days. I respect your views.
A US presence would mean endless war. And we are not very good occupiers -- leading to even greater long-term anti-American relations.
Elimination vs. prevention
Similar to B, I'd suggest there are important subcategories to distinguish. When we attack a safe haven, we're potentially doing one, or both, of two things:
(1) Eliminating facilities & personnel (e.g., wiping out the training camps).
(2) Providing evidence to the local power structure supporting the terrorists that it's dangerous to harbor them, and that a cost-benefit analysis would suggest that they be evicted even before the bombers show up.
The Bush administration made a case for (2) -- not very persuasively, in my opinion, but the weakness in its argument derived more from not thinking through the details than in a fundamental flaw in the idea itself. If (2) worked perfectly, then eliminating some camps would lead to the elimination of more of them without our having to do anything. The problem, of course, is that for (2) to mean anything, there has to BE a local power structure, it has to be more powerful than the terrorists, and it has to view U.S. attack as a likely/valid threat. There are quite a number of areas where those conditions aren't met, and quite a number where trying to strengthen that last condition leads to worse problems than it solves.
"The difference is that in
"The difference is that in Hamburg the German state already has a police apparatus with plenty of authority in place, while in Helmand we don't. And the only way to get it is to have a presence there."
Frankly, I'm not convinced that a presence in Helmand gives us magical protection. A doctor was shot to death, in Kansas, in church, in what appeared to be a terrorist act. All of the police apparatus and authority present in the U.S.A. didn't protect him.
If the argument is that the
If the argument is that the US needs to stand ready to move in, by force if need by, and provide some kind of stable authority in every tiny bit of the world that doesn't already have one, then we're going to need a bigger boat. A lot bigger. One with several million new soldiers and God only knows how much money in it. It would basically mean trying to conquer the world in the way Napoleon or Hitler tried to conquer Europe. And we know how those turned out.
And even then, as Junebug points out upthread, it's a fallacy to believe that terrorists can't operate within places that have that kind of stable authority in place.
There is such things as
There is such things as historical analogy. And then there are contemporary analogs. I'm really not sure why so many of these discussions are done in a vacuum. Of course then you actually have to understand events and causations. Which doesn't seem to be very easy for folks. Take Israel/Palestine for instance. Not to mention admitting that 9/11 didn't change everything.
Anyway, I think you'll find in general that the "success" of terrorists, separatists, and outlaws tends to be related to 1) motivation, 2) skill, arms, finances, 3) the force it's fighting. Probably in that order -- except when the terrorists are fighting genocidal dictators. Genocidal dictators usually do a decent job crushing opposition. Dictators who are simply oppressive only succeed in increasing the motivation of the opposition.
Safe havens are so pre-9/11.
Safe havens are so pre-9/11. We have drones now and people in safe havens are harmless until they manage to get out of there and into a place to do some damage. We are far better prepared to interdict them if they try to travel. The far greater danger are the home-growns and even their ability to communicate with each other is pretty limited.
Safe havens were a problem when our options were cruise missiles or an invasion. I'm also not so sure the Taliban wouldn't have turned Osama over if Bush had tried harder.
National security problems
National security problems are internal primarily. An estimated 100,000 to 160,000 illegal aliens from the Middle East and anarchic African countries have entered from Mexico. Actually, the number of Americans who are killed by ordinary Hispanic illegal aliens would probably far exceed the number of Americans ever likely to die from terrorism, if it weren't a hate crime to tally these statistics. Not to mention that this country has been inundated with Chinese spies.
Taking care of internal security and putting US interests before Israel's are inexpensive measures and vastly more effective than starting wars all over the world, but the priorities in Washington are 1. Washington, 2. Israel, and bring up the rear at number 78, national security.
A spending bill is the only tool they know in Washington, so every problem looks like a grand appropriation. A cheap solution will be disdained.
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smaller industrialized Asian countries etc. — the logic of safe havens is for our focus to drift toward the places that matter least.


