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The Democratic leader plays the game well -- so why would he want to change the rules?
It's always been hard to figure out what Minority Leader Richard Gephardt (D-Missouri) really believes in. When first elected to Congress in 1976, he was a conservative Democrat -- and particularly outspoken in his opposition to abortion. Once he realized his anti-abortion stance would keep him from moving up the Democratic ladder, he became pro-choice. A moderate Democrat in 1985, he moved left for his presidential campaign in 1988. Now, as he unveils his "Families First" legislative plan (a vague, moderate blueprint for a Democratic congressional agenda), Gephardt has assumed another guise -- the Comeback Centrist.
In the past few years Gephardt has flipped his positions on Social Security, medical savings accounts, the minimum wage, and a balanced budget. But Gephardt has remained steadfast on one issue: his behind-the-scenes resistance to campaign finance reform.
As the ranking Democrat in the House, Gephardt (like former Speaker Tom Foley before him) has made a career out of looking out for the interests of House Democrats -- even when those interests conflict with the public interest. Because Gephardt depends on the House Democratic caucus to advance his ambitions, he almost inevitably panders to the caucus, rather than trying to lead or reform it.
Take campaign finance. Since the current system favors incumbents, few of the House Democrats who have supported Gephardt's rise to the party leadership have been eager to change it. And what's bad for the Democratic caucus, notes a White House aide, is "by extension, not good for Gephardt."
But the main reason Gephardt drags his feet on campaign finance reform is that, even as a member of the minority, he makes out like a bandit under the current system. His campaign has so far sucked in nearly $2 million this election cycle (compared to the paltry $13,085 garnered by his challenger, Deborah Lynn Wheelehan).
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